“Change is the only unchangeable law of nature”, said Paracelsus (or was it someone else?). Well, we have evidences to prove otherwise (about change), at least in India.
What are the things that do not change in our great country? The way the police force operates across the length of space and through the expanse of time, for one. The police-politician-criminal nexus’s working more efficiently and effectively than any other system in times of emergency, which, ironically, is created by them. The media forgetting very conveniently and completely, and within the span of less than five days, once such an incident is over, everything about what once made to the top of the front page. The speed of light is nothing in comparison to the pace of disappearance of events from the collective memory of us, the people of India.
So, who remembers? Generally those directly affected.
And who are affected directly by an event?
Well, those who have lost someone they loved.
And those who connect with those who have lost.
I belong to the second category, and as my connection with the victims is not emotional, but rational (I have rationally explained that to myself n number of times, yet there remains suspicion in my mind on that point), I don’t and won’t forget 1984, and 2002 and 1979 and 1947, when I was not even born. I won’t forget all those other events, in which the system failed, and the common man’s (and woman’s, and child’s) life was lost. There’s a point to be made here about the rationality of me as a common man. When a resident of the Widow Colony at Tilak Vihar, New Delhi wants that a person sentenced to life-imprisonment for his role in the genocide of 1984 is given capital punishment as, “he can meet his family, his children… [but she] can’t meet [her] husband, [her] children can’t meet their father because he killed them”, although I know so many points against capital punishment, I somehow find myself accepting her logic here (TOI December 18, 2018 page 7).
I know how unhealthy it is to think low of basic human nature. I also know that my study of history makes me think very low of basic human nature. What else can I think of it after all those great wars and crusades and genocides and riots and many other ways in which human beings show their true nature time and time again. This post is about events that were once called communal riots and then were shown to be genocides. As justice denied (as it was delayed) in case of the Sikh Genocide of 1984, coming to the front page of Indian newspapers on 18 December 2018 became the immediate cause for my posting this here, 1984 is mentioned in the title. As it’s connected with 2002 Gujarat Genocide, and many more such massacres and genocides, the title mentions that year too. As the parties in power for most part of India’s political history have been Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), their names naturally appear there.
Let’s begin with the 1984 Sikh Genocide that was justified by the Prime Minister of India, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi in a public speech in the same year. As this post is more about future and less about the past, it’ll focus less on what happened and more on what can be done to save India from a repeat of such events in future. I covered the genocide in:
Justice Denied (Probably) Forever, not just Delayed: The November 1984 Sikh Genocide
The report of the Nanavati Commission of Inquiry on the 1984 Sikh Genocide (then called Riots) clearly records:
[The members of the Police force were either] negligent in performance of their duties or… they had directly or indirectly helped the mobs in their violent attacks on the Sikhs.
The Commission would however, like to recommend that such riots are kept under check and control and there should be an independent police force which is free from the political influence and which is well equipped to take immediate and effective action. It is also necessary and therefore, the Commission recommends that if riots takes place on a big scale and if the police is not able to register every offence separately at the time when they are reported, the Government should thereafter at the earliest take steps to see that all complaints are properly recorded and that they are investigated by independent Investigating Officers. Only if such an action is taken by the Government, people would feel that law is allowed to take its own course and the guilty would be punished properly.
As the Times of India reports, the Delhi High Court said it clearly that the police “indeed turned a blind eye and blatantly abetted crimes committed by the rioting mob”. It also blamed the police of “active connivance” in the crimes.
History repeated itself many a time in smaller measures before the next watershed: 2002. Thousands were brutally murdered in Gujarat, and the modus operandi was similar.
WE HAVE NO ORDERS TO SAVE YOU, a report of Human Rights Watch on ‘State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat’ (3 April 2002, Vol. 14, No. 3 (C)) the failure of state was highlighted once more:
In light of the state government’s own admission that Gujarat witnessed over 443 “communal incidents” between 1970 and 2002, the commission faults the state government for a “failure of intelligence and action” with regard to the events “leading to the Godhra tragedy and the subsequent death and destruction that occurred.”
The time span mentioned above covers the state governments led by a Chief Minister of Congress, and later of BJP. The same report mentions another report, of National Human Rights Commission, that notes “with concern that police in Gujarat were constrained in performing their duty to quell communal violence… organized mobs ‘armed with cell phones and address’ sometimes singled out persons and property for destruction ‘within view of police stations and personnel’.
Witness after witness testified that “FIRs were being ‘distorted or poorly recorded’ and that ‘senior political personalities’ sought to ‘influence’ investigations”.
NHRC recommended Police Reform:
The Commission is of the view that recent events in Gujarat and, indeed, in other States of the country, underline the need to proceed without delay to implement the reforms that have already been recommended in order to preserve the integrity of the investigating process and to insulate it from extraneous influences.
Be it 1984 or 2002, one thing is clear, thousands of persons cannot be butchered selectively until the state and the state security forces are not complicit in the act. Their constitutional role and responsibility and their moral and sacred trust is to give their lives to save those under their protection. They choose not to perform their constitutional, moral and sacred duty. They are guilty and responsible for the loss of all those innocent lives and in a just universe, they’ll pay. That seldom happens in India, and when it does, it happens so rarely that it becomes a front page, several column wide news.